Seventy years after the promulgation of the Personal Status Code, a victory for Tunisian women who have long struggled for and cherished it, they now face the dilemmas of gender-based violence, imprisonment, arrests, and political exclusion. This is the conclusion drawn by most human rights and international reports, which have documented numerous practices and attacks against Tunisian women, witnessing an unprecedented rise.

The erosion of these hard-won rights and fundamental freedoms paves the way for the marginalisation of women and their role, and hinders the fulfillment of constitutional, legal, and ethical obligations guaranteed by national and international legislation that the Tunisian government must always respect, especially at a time when Tunisian women are facing immense challenges and grave violations of their civil and human rights.

Recent years have witnessed a serious decline in fundamental freedoms in general, and women’s rights in particular. The state’s increasing reliance on outdated legal texts, coupled with the issuance of new, repressive decrees, has created a climate of fear, suppressed dissent, criminalised private life, and diminished political and legal protections for women’s rights, particularly for women human rights defenders.

This report aims to document the most prominent manifestations of the persecution of Tunisian women’s voices during President Kais Saied’s rule and to analyse the repercussions of democratic backsliding on human rights and journalistic work. It does so by monitoring documented violations and highlighting the challenges faced by women human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society activists in particular.

The report observed indicators of the erosion of women’s gains and the increasing targeting of women journalists and human rights activists, coupled with a rise in online smear campaigns against women. This has led to a decline in their participation in decision-making positions and a weakening of their roles in feminist civil society. Furthermore, there has been an increase in gender-based digital violence, particularly targeting women, as well as hate speech against women on social media platforms. This has directly impacted women’s social lives, with the Ministry of Family and Women recording a rise in cases of violence against women in 2025, reaching 4,485 cases, some of which resulted in premeditated murder.

Moreover, a number of women human rights defenders, journalists, and politicians have faced a systematic campaign of repression targeting their voices and fundamental freedoms. A range of arbitrary laws are being manipulated to selectively target them, effectively criminalising freedom of expression and institutional civic engagement, and reducing women to mere statistics.

These restrictions are being used as tools to intimidate women and exclude them from public life, with the aim of defaming, discrediting, socially isolating, and marginalising them from public life and political participation.

Journalists Behind Bars… and Women’s Freedom Under Siege!

Tunisians commemorate Tunisian Women’s National Day on 13 August every year. This year, the day passed with sadness and pain, reflecting the situation of Tunisian women in general and women prisoners of conscience in particular. Some political parties called for the release of these women prisoners of conscience, praising their efforts and resilience, noting that they “have always been on the front lines confronting systems of tyranny.”

Tunisian Women on the Front Lines Facing Oppression and Tyranny

The Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) has documented the cases of several of these women who have faced oppression and tyranny at the hands of the authorities.

Sonia Dahmani: A human rights lawyer and media personality, she was released on parole after spending a year and a half in prison. Despite this, the Tunisian Court of First Instance sentenced her to two years in prison again in a case brought against her by the General Administration of Prisons and Corrections following Dahmani giving a radio interview in 2023, in which she criticised prison conditions in the country. Dahmani faces five cases, all related to statements or publications in the media, in a series of ongoing prosecutions, all based on Chapter 24 of Decree No. 55 of 2022, which restricts freedom of the press and criminalises journalistic work, and has become a massive tool of repression used by the authorities against women human rights defenders, including women journalists and all free voices.

Sherifa Riahi: A prominent human rights defender, she is committed to defending the rights of migrants and refugees. She joined the Terre d’Asile-Tunisie (Land of Refuge – Tunisia) team in 2016 and served as coordinator of the House of Rights and Migration in Sfax from July 2017. She also served as director of Terre d’Asile-Tunisie from 2019 until April 2023. This organisation is a branch established by the French parent organisation France Terre d’Asile in accordance with Article 20 of Decree 88 of 2011 on the organisation of associations. On 07 May 2024, Sherifa Riahi was arrested at her home as part of a crackdown by Tunisian authorities against associations working for the rights of migrants. She was placed in pretrial detention on charges of money laundering under Law No. 26 of 2015, on combating terrorism and money laundering. She was released on 06 January 2026, after receiving a two-year suspended sentence. Targeting her was part of a systematic pattern of restricting civil work.

Sihem Bensedrine: A prominent human rights defender, she was sentenced to 25 years in prison in two cases related to the Truth and Dignity Commission and the Franco-Tunisian Bank. On 26 June 2026, the Tunis Court of First Instance sentenced her to prison in two cases related to her previous work with the Truth and Dignity Commission, one for 10 years and the other for 15 years. These cases involve charges including “falsification,” “forgery,” and “abuse of official position to harm the administration,” stemming from allegations concerning the content of the Commission’s final report, particularly the chapter on corruption in the banking sector. Bensedrine appealed the verdict and remains free pending the appeal.

This prosecution comes despite the fact that the Truth and Dignity Commission was established under Basic Law No. 53 of 2013 concerning the establishment and organisation of transitional justice, to investigate and document human rights violations, corruption, and serious abuses committed between 1955 and 2013, refer cases to the competent judiciary, and make recommendations on institutional reforms, reparations, and guarantees of non-recurrence. Article 69 of the same law stipulates that members of the Commission, their assistants, and anyone who performed a task assigned to them by the Commission are not responsible for the content of the reports, conclusions, opinions, or recommendations expressed in accordance with the provisions of the law.

Therefore, the prosecution of the Commission’s former president based on the content of the final report raises a serious legal issue, as it undermines the legally guaranteed protection of the Commission’s members and transforms an act that falls within the core mandate of an independent transitional justice body into grounds for criminal prosecution. It also undermines the confidence of victims, witnesses, researchers, and women human rights defenders in the possibility of uncovering the truth and documenting violations without being subject to subsequent accountability or retaliation.

Saadia Mosbah: A human rights defender and president of the Mnemty (My Dream) Association, Saadia Mosbah was arrested on 07 May 2024, for her civic and humanitarian work. She faced a range of charges, including money laundering, illicit enrichment, failure to maintain proper accounting records, and forming an alliance. This targeting and the nature of the charges undoubtedly reveal a systematic pattern aimed at criminalizing the work of civil society organizations. The authorities’ repeated use of charges such as “illicit enrichment,” “failure to maintain proper accounting records,” and “forming an alliance for financial gain” is fundamentally intended to undermine the very foundations of free and peaceful civic action.

On 23 June 2026, after several hearings, the Criminal Chamber of the Tunis Court of Appeal upheld the initial ruling, sentencing Mosbah to eight years in prison and a fine of 120,000 dinars. The verdict not only convicted Mosbah, but also included human rights defender Ghofrane Binous, who was sentenced in absentia to three years in prison. The court also handed down two-year suspended sentences to the association’s treasurer and three service providers, and upheld the initial ruling dismissing the case against an external contractor, the association’s general secretary, and the owner of the association’s headquarters. In addition to the prison sentences, the rulings included hefty fines.

The case dates back to 06 May 2024, when the public prosecutor authorised an investigation and search of the association’s headquarters and the seizure of any evidence that could prove money laundering. This coincided with a speech by President Kais Saied at the National Security Council regarding the migration issue. Mosbah was arrested a few hours later, despite the absence of any serious preliminary evidence or reports from the Tunisian Financial Analysis Committee, which specialises in investigating this type of crime.

Bouchra Belhaj Hamida: A lawyer and political activist, she faces 17 charges, with penalties ranging from the death penalty to life imprisonment and twenty years. In this context, Hamida decided not to attend court, and in order to protect herself from imprisonment, she decided to emigrate in light of the current situation, in which hasty judicial decisions that deprive people of their freedom prevail after trials that lack the minimum standards of a fair trial and legal procedures.

Chadha Hadj Mbarek: A journalist, she was arrested and imprisoned on 05 October 2021, as part of a wave of arrests related to the Instalingo company case. After lengthy investigations, she was released on 19 June 2021, only to be re-arrested on 22 October 2023.

On 15 May 2025, Mbarek announced a hunger strike “in protest against being denied her right to treatment and medication after her pain in her spine and hand worsened.” She ended her hunger strike on 20 May 2025, after receiving the necessary medical care.

On 14 January 2026, she was released after appearing before the Court of Appeal, following a lower court’s ruling that sentenced her to five years in prison.

Abir Moussi: A lawyer and political activist, Abir Moussi, president of the Free Constitutional Party, was sentenced on 13 March 2026, by the Criminal Chamber of the Tunis Court of Appeal to ten years in prison. This appeal ruling came after a reduction of her initial 12-year sentence, handed down in December 2025, in the case known in the media as the “Presidential Office File.”

The details of the conviction in this case are distributed across the following charges:

• Nine years in prison for “attempting to change the form of the state, inciting the population to attack each other with weapons, and creating chaos in Tunisia.”

• Six months in prison for “obstructing freedom of work.”

• Six months in prison for “processing personal data without the owner’s consent.”

Moussi’s legal situation is not limited to this case alone, as she faces other sentences related to complaints filed against her by the Independent High Authority for Elections:

• A two-year prison sentence in the first appeal case concerning the electoral commission.

• She was sentenced to six months in prison in the second appeal case related to the same organization.

This brings her total prison sentences to 12 years and six months. Her defense team has filed appeals against these sentences with the Court of Cassation (the Supreme Court of Tunisia) in all three cases, and hearings are pending.

She was arrested on 03 October 2023, after attempting to file an appeal or objection with the Presidency regarding decrees related to local elections before they were held.

Chaima Issa: A poet, political activist, and leader in the National Salvation Front, on 28 November 2025, the Court of Appeal issued a harsh sentence against her, sentencing her to 20 years in prison. Based on this ruling, Tunisian police arrested her on 28 November 2025, to begin serving her sentence, while she was participating in a peaceful protest march in downtown Tunis.

On 03 September 2026, the Tunisian Court of Cassation rejected the appeals submitted by the defense team and upheld the lengthy prison sentences against the detained opposition leaders, including Issa (20 years) and Ahmed Najib Chebbi, the head of the National Salvation Front (12 years). The ruling thus became final and unappealable.

She was arrested on 22 February 2023, in connection with what is known as the “Conspiracy Against State Security 1” case, and was temporarily released on 13 July 2023, with a travel ban and a ban on appearing in public.

Souar Barqawi: A young political activist, only 24 years old and a graduate of the Institute of Journalism and Information Sciences, faced 16 cases filed against her solely for her work as a member of the campaign of Ayachi Zemal, who was a candidate in the 2024 Tunisian presidential elections. Eight of these cases have resulted in final judgments sentencing her to three years and 11 months in prison, and she now faces eight other remaining cases against her.

Imen El-Wardani: The deputy mayor of Souira, who holds a doctorate in biology, has been imprisoned since 10 May 2024, as a result of the authorities’ targeting and incitement against civil society organisations. She was arrested for signing a partnership agreement between the municipality of Sousse and the organisation Terre d’Asile-Tunisie in 2022. Due to this partnership, she faced charges related to suspected money laundering, forgery, forming an alliance to facilitate the entry of foreigners, and abuse of office. She was released on 06 January 2026, following public solidarity campaigns.

Salwa Ghrissa: A retired university professor, she was known for her human rights activism and served as the executive director of the Right to Difference Association. Founded in 2011, this association works to raise awareness of universal human rights, recognize, defend, and promote the right to difference in the areas of social, cultural, gender, and identity diversity. In 2018, the association launched the Observatory for the Defense of the Right to Difference.

She was arrested on 10 December 2024. She spent nearly 15 months in pretrial detention before the Criminal Chamber of the Bizerte Court of First Instance ordered her provisional release on 19 March 2026. She was charged with money laundering and violating exchange regulations. The charges also included information fraud and violating the decree on associations. Solidarity campaigns on her behalf contributed to her release by the authorities.

The Interconnectedness of Repressive Events

These cases cannot be understood without placing them in their context, starting with their procedural trajectory. The political will behind the timing of the arrests is clearly evident. The case against the Mnemty association was moved forward with remarkable speed on 06 May 2024, and Saadia Mosbah was arrested immediately afterward. This was the same month that Sherifa Riahi and members of the Terre d’Asile-Tunisie organisation, as well as members of the Sousse municipal council for their partnership with this association, were arrested, along with Sonia Dahmani and other activists. Saadia Mosbah’s arrest came after online smear campaigns and accusations of “naturalisation” based on a racist narrative adopted by the state at its highest levels, represented by President Kais Saied. However, unlike the Terre d’Asile-Tunisie case, the charges against her were financial in nature, especially since the Mnemty association does not provide services to asylum seekers and migrants.

Activists, Not Criminals: Stop the Oppression of Women by Decree 54

In a country that prides itself on its leadership in women’s rights in the Arab world, Tunisian women are facing a new battle to earn the title of freedom. Their voices are no longer heard in the streets, parliament, or homes, but rather in courtrooms, judicial chambers, and interrogation rooms. Decree 54 has had profound repercussions on press freedom in Tunisia, with particular effects on women journalists. Human rights and media reports indicate that this legal text has become, in practice, a tool used to persecute critical journalistic voices, contributing to a climate of pressure and intimidation within the media. Decree 54 was initially presented as a legal framework for combating cybercrime and addressing “rumours and false information,” but in practice, it has been used in many cases to persecute women journalists and activists for their opinions or journalistic work. It has effectively restricted freedom of expression and stifled free speech, bringing about profound changes in the reality of freedom of expression in Tunisia, with significant negative impacts on women journalists working in the media and digital fields.

In addition to this decree, there is an arsenal of repressive laws, such as Article 86 of the Telecommunications Code and Article 67 of the Penal Code. Charges are readily available for anyone who criticises the President of the Republic or members of the government, and these laws have become tools in the hands of the authorities to suppress dissenting female voices, including journalists, activists, and human rights defenders. A blog post has become an accusation, an opinion a crime, dissent a danger, and the persecution of activists a permissible and acceptable act.

The reality of women’s rights in Tunisia during the period 2025-2026 witnessed a marked decline in the level of actual protection. For rights and freedoms, in a context marked by increasing restrictions on civic space and declining democratic guarantees. Despite the continuity of the legal framework that the country has accumulated over decades, practical application reveals a widening gap between legal texts and reality, which has directly impacted the situation of women, especially women journalists, human rights activists, and public figures.

The 2026 World Press Freedom Index places press freedom in the country at its lowest level in 25 years, describing the situation as “difficult” or “very serious.” This decline comes amidst a political, security, and judicial environment characterized by escalating persecution of dissidents and critics, and increasing restrictions on freedom of expression and civic engagement. This has cast a shadow over women’s participation in public life, weakening their ability to exercise their political, media, and human rights roles without fear of prosecution, defamation, or harassment. During this same period, alarming indicators emerged, including the targeting of several women journalists, activists, and human rights defenders through legal proceedings or smear and incitement campaigns.

Alongside the decline in women’s representation in decision-making positions and the weakness of public policies aimed at promoting equality and protecting the historical gains of Tunisian women, it can be argued that a broader transformation is currently underway in the country, affecting the entire democratic environment. Civil and political rights have become more fragile, including rights related to freedom of opinion, expression, assembly, and participation in public affairs – rights that constitute a fundamental condition for ensuring women’s equal enjoyment of their rights.

The Human Rights Crisis in Tunisian Prisons

Tunisian prisons have become spaces of serious violations, characterised by overcrowding, mistreatment, and violence. The number of prisoners exceeds 25,000, compared to a capacity of no more than 16,000, with overcrowding rates reaching 200%. According to credible local reports, prisons suffer from dilapidated infrastructure and the spread of diseases, despite the Tunisian prison administration’s denials on every occasion when the conditions of prisoners are criticized.

The lack of healthcare in Tunisian prisons, stemming from overcrowding, is neither a sudden nor an isolated incident. Rather, it is the product of a historical and legislative accumulation that has exploited punishment for political purposes. This has continued throughout the post-independence era, which has left prisons without any fundamental reforms, resulting in harsher punishments for every day spent in Tunisian prisons.

The poor state of prisons and its multifaceted impact on the lives of women prisoners

These impacts can be summarised as follows:

1. Double Violence and Social and Political Trial

What reports describe as the phenomenon of “double violence,” and which some studies refer to as a type of compounded pressure faced by women journalists, involves harassment that extends beyond the legal aspects of their journalistic work to the digital and social spheres. Women journalists are subjected to smear campaigns and abuse on social media, sometimes including offensive language or attacks on their professional or personal reputation. Furthermore, personal or family information is exploited in online discourse to exert psychological pressure or deter participation in public debate, in addition to the absence of fair trial conditions.

2. Imprisonment and its Deterrent Effect on Journalism

Prosecutions of women journalists on vague charges and harsh penalties have become widespread. Article 24 of Decree 54 stipulates penalties of up to five years imprisonment and a fine of up to 50,000 dinars for publishing or disseminating what is deemed “false news” or information that could harm public security.

The penalties are doubled if the person affected is a public employee, making women journalists who cover public affairs or criticize official policies more vulnerable to prosecution. Human rights and media reports, some of which are referenced in this report, have documented the prosecution of a number of women journalists for articles, blog posts, or media statements, as previously mentioned.

3. Detention Conditions and Health Implications

Human rights reports have documented cases of women journalists and activists who spoke of being subjected to procedures deemed degrading during detention or legal proceedings. Among them is Sonia Dahmani. Human rights organisations have raised concerns about certain practices, such as physical searches, restrictions on clothing imposed when transporting women prisoners to court hearings, and detention conditions, arguing that these practices can have psychological and physical repercussions on the detainees.

These treatments have raised concerns about the health of several detained women journalists, as well as the issue of healthcare within prisons and the need to ensure that women prisoners receive appropriate and timely medical treatment.

Furthermore, the National Union of Tunisian Journalists highlighted a series of legal, procedural, and humanitarian violations in the case of journalist Chadha Hadj Mbarek since her arrest in the Instalingo case, and her deteriorating health while imprisoned before her release. In a statement issued by her family, which mentioned the serious violations to which Mbarek was subjected, they demanded the opening of “an independent and serious investigation into the incident of physical assault and the medical negligence to which she was subjected.”

4. Concerns about Digital Privacy and the Family Environment

There are concerns regarding the use of cybercrime investigations to access digital devices or private correspondence, as permitted by Decree 54. This has sparked a human rights debate about the need to balance investigative requirements with respect for the right to privacy. Some testimonies indicate that the pressure associated with legal proceedings sometimes extends to the families of women journalists, creating anxiety and tension within their households and constituting an additional form of psychological pressure.

In the case of journalist Chadha Hadj Mbarek also, press reports indicated that members of her family were subjected to security measures, which human rights organisations considered a form of indirect psychological pressure. Such cases contribute to creating a climate of anxiety and tension within the families of women journalists who are being prosecuted and subjected to psychological abuse.

5. A Climate of Fear and Self-Censorship

Decree 54 has contributed to the rise of self-censorship within the journalistic community. Testimonies from women journalists and activists indicate that fear of prosecution or online campaigns leads some to limit their participation in public debates or avoid addressing certain political or social issues. This climate impacts the independence of journalistic work and restricts the diversity of opinions in the public sphere.

Since 25 July 2021, the day President Kais Saied made exceptional decisions, Tunisia has been experiencing a severe political crisis characterised by a stifling political climate for public and individual rights and freedoms. Campaigns targeting the Personal Status Code, women’s legal gains, and various civil and political rights have intensified. Furthermore, the economic climate for women journalists is precarious, with indicators pointing to economic contraction, a widening trade deficit, and rising prices, exacerbating poverty, marginalisation, and unemployment, which disproportionately affect women.

At the same time, violence against women has increased, exceeding 80%, and gender-based cyber violence has reached 14.6%, according to statistics from the National Institute of Statistics. The number of femicides, accidents involving the transportation of women agricultural workers, and gender pay inequality continue to rise in several informal and semi-formal sectors, such as the press and media.

The Women’s and Women’s Rights Front and other women’s rights organisations, human rights associations, political parties, and individuals have expressed their deep concern regarding the situation of imprisoned women accused of crimes related to publishing and journalism, and their enjoyment of freedom of expression. The imprisonment of women active in the media or civil and political spheres constitutes systematic political violence, an attack on women’s actual citizenship and pluralism, and an assault on political and civil rights, the right to dissent, and freedom of opinion and expression.

Regarding the balance in legislation between combating cybercrime on the one hand and protecting freedom of expression and journalistic work on the other, the accumulated legal texts remain merely a public tool used to persecute critical voices in the digital and media space, thus further restricting journalistic work. 

6. Psychological and Professional Repercussions

The repeated complaints and legal proceedings have contributed to a climate of pressure within the media community, leading to reduced participation in public discourse and a diminished media presence on certain sensitive issues. There are undoubtedly potential psychological effects, such as anxiety and stress, linked to professional insecurity and the fear of prosecution and imprisonment.

Monitoring reports confirm that the repeated attacks on women journalists, along with complaints and legal proceedings, and online smear campaigns, can have significant psychological repercussions, such as chronic anxiety or a sense of professional insecurity. This climate has led some women journalists to reduce their participation in public discourse or to exercise greater self-censorship in their work.

Furthermore, data from human rights reports confirms that reviewing this legal framework remains a necessary step to ensure that legislation aligns with international human rights standards and to promote a free and safe media environment.

What is happening today in Tunisia is not merely a reversal of the law, but a dangerous deviation that threatens freedom of expression and the right to dissent, especially for women. Attacking or threatening women journalists and activists with prosecution not only harms their individual rights but also sends a clear message of intimidation to any woman who dares to speak out for justice. This raises the question: Is Tunisia about to lose one of its most significant historical gains? The answer is: “We will not remain silent about their rights.”

Recommendations

GCHR calls on the Tunisian government to:

1. Immediately and unconditionally release all women human rights defenders, including women journalists and all prisoners of conscience, close the file on political trials, and end the suffering of Tunisian families who are paying the price for the restrictions on public freedoms;
2. Improve the conditions of women prisoners of conscience in Tunisia, which remains contingent on the availability of genuine political will;
3. Strengthen guarantees of a fair trial and respect for the presumption of innocence, either by immediately releasing women prisoners of conscience, including journalists and activists, or by trying them while free, in accordance with international standards for fair trial and due process;
4. Reduce the excessive use of pretrial detention, which is often employed as a form of punishment before final court rulings are issued;
5. Guarantee the independence of the judiciary and prevent its use as a tool to settle scores with political opponents or to restrict civil society, human rights activists, and political dissidents;
6. Seriously implement the Law on the Protection of Women from Violence and establish practical mechanisms and means to apply the protection guarantees stipulated in this law to combat gender-based violence;
7. Repeal Decree No. 54 concerning combating cybercrimes, given the dangers it poses to the right to freedom of expression, and amend all laws of a repressive nature to ensure respect for the civil and human rights of citizens;
8. Unequivocally reject racial discrimination and restrictions on public and individual freedoms based on gender;
9. Establish the principle of full and effective equality and guarantee political, civil, economic, social, and effective citizenship rights for Tunisian women;
10. Provide a safe environment for women journalists and human rights defenders to perform their work freely and end all forms of prior censorship of journalistic, media, and broadcast work;
11. Ensure that the Tunisian state respects its international human rights obligations by adhering to the international conventions it has ratified, including the Convention against Torture and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
12. Fully comply with the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (the Nelson Mandela Rules).